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Paper Abstract: The nation's search for stability in the Horn of Africa. Overview of the economic and political environment of Djibouti. Key political and ethnic disputes. Lack of natural resources and industry. Lack of arable land. Development of international trade. High illiteracy rates, high incidence of HIV/AIDS and infant and maternal mortality. Health and population challenges. Paper Introduction: The tiny Republic of Djibouti, which is nearly the size of the state of Massachusetts, is emerging from the latest round of Horn of Africa travesties with a positive political and economic outlook on the future (CIA- The World Factbook 1). In a region known for civil strife, famine, ethnic cleansing, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and dramatic international interventions, Djibouti strives along with her larger sisters Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia to find stability in the emerging world order of the 21st century (Mbendi 1). The task at hand is a daunting one. An overview of basic statistics and data regarding the economic and political environment of Djibouti is essential if the challenges that face this republic are to be understood. Equally important, a synopsis of important events in Djibouti’s recent history will Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. During 1994, FRUD began to fractionalize. Gouled described the FRUD movement as onecomprised of foreign aggressors, and asserted that FRUD officials weremotivated and controlled by foreign interests. Obviously, Djibouti will continue move along a course of politicalevolution. The remaining 75% of the GDP composition are in the services sector.The annual growth rate of GDP is 2% (CIA 6). Djibouti's population of 46 ,7 (CIA 2) is comprised mainly of theIssa (5 %), who are of Somali origin, and the nomadic Afars (4 %), who areof Ethiopian origin; both groups are Muslims, and speak Cushitic languagesthat are closely related- the official languages of Djibouti, however, areFrench and Arabic (Europa 1351). Back in 1991, Gouled's one-party system of governmentseemed hardly representational in a nation so starkly divided alongethnic/tribal lines. Although it is uncertain where these spending levels will be in theyears to come, it is clear that in Djibouti, the illiteracy rates, the highincidence HIV/AIDS and the prevalence of infant and maternal mortality seemto command that more money be spent curing these tremendous social ills.As Djibouti's comes out of the most recent incarnation of conflict in theHorn of Africa, it will be faced with two challenges: one, the eradication(or at least curtailing) of the social ills listed above, and two, themending of the political and ethnic disputes that have plagued the nationfor the better part of a decade. After a cease-fire broke down and theGouled plan for political pluralism was rejected by FRUD, fighting resumed. Thoughthe past has shown that sometimes those factions can be dangerous; thatthey are politically viable is hardly up for debate. The FRUD officers-in-command, many whom were in fact trained in Ethiopian military camps,protested the "foreign" classification and insisted that its aim was tosecure fair political representation for all ethnicities in Djibouti. On the contrary, the hurdles faced by Djibouti will surely engagethe government for many years to come. Withthese refugees come more disease, illiteracy, malnutrition, and thepotential to ignite a new wave of political destabilization (Rasul 14). The down side to this trend,however, is a sky-high external debt that topped $356 million in 1999 (CIA8). In1992 Gouled, succumbing to intense pressure from the French Government,moved to draft a new constitution which would restore a multi-party systemand provide for free elections. Joanne Maher, Senior Editor. This istrue simply because the 23,2 km of Djibouti's landmass is largelyvolcanic desert, and the climate is hot and arid; Djibouti is thus a verypoor candidate for agricultural development (The Europa World Yearbook1351). Of these, the notable list includes the reciprocal release ofprisoners, as well as: The return of military units to positions held before the conflict; the freedom of movement for persons and goods; the reintegration of FRUD insurgents into their previous positions of employment; and an amnesty for the rebels (Europa 1353).The organization of a disarmament and compensation plan is underway, andFRUD continues to push its agenda for a revision to the constitution thatwould curb the power of the executive branch in favor of an independentmagistrature and a tribal rebalancing of the civil service (Europa 1535). In 1999, Gouled's principal advisor, Ismael Omar Gelleh, was electedpresident of Djibouti. The persisting presence of France as a stabilizing agent servesDjibouti well, as does a war-weary mentality that seems to favor conflictresolution through more diplomatic means. © Europa Publications: 2 1."Djibouti: Overview." Mbendi- Information for Africa. It is imperative that thegovernment of Djibouti retain its commitment to multi-party representationso as to appease the political needs of the different tribes andethnicities that have settled (and continue to settle) within its borders. Buoying the economy of Djibouti is an inflation rate that has beenmanaged by fixing of the Djibouti Franc to the American dollar. Additionally, the UNFPA help with Djibouti's Ministry of NationalEducation; together these two agencies carry out a radio campaign thatstrives to educate children and adults who lack access to schools.Messages are delivered in four languages, and offer information aboutsexually transmitted diseases, safe water, and sanitation and child health. The development of international trade has been, and will continue tobe the surest way to safeguard Djibouti's chances for prosperity. A few, small scale enterprises such as dairy products andmineral water bottling represent Djibouti's industry sector- and 22% of theGDP. The Afar-based Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD) took up armsagainst then-President Hassan Gouled Aptidon and his Issa tribe (TheEconomist 46). Atthis time, Gouled requested military assistance from France in effort torepel the rebellious faction. FRUD boycotted the presidential election, and Gouled won himself another 6-year term as president (Europa 1351). Fall, 1999 v36 i3 p. Nearly half of the population isunemployed, and more than half cannot read (CIA 5). Between 1993 and 1999 aseries of political splinterings contributed to an ongoing trend ofmilitary offensives waged against dissenting FRUD factions by the armedforces of both Djibouti and Ethiopia. In 1998, the Government ofDjibouti put 12.9% of its budget towards defense, 8.5% towards education,and 5.3% towards social welfare (Europa 1354). www.mbendi.co.za/land/af/dj/p 5.htm. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) began working in Djiboutiin 1983 to develop family planning programs and reproductive healthprojects directed towards pregnant women in need of pre- and postnatalcare. In early February of 2 , the Djibouti governmentand the remaining opposition wing of FRUD signed a peace agreement inParis, France. Another positive: the port located at the capital city of Djibouti hasbecome Ethiopia's principal trade route. The peace agreement allows for many things that spell recovery forDjibouti. In October of 1999, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) agreed toloan the Djibouti government $26.2 million to support a 3 year economicreform program; the IMF payment plan was contingent upon Djibouti's ongoingcommitment to reform tax and budget management, the civil service andrevenue administration, and to move towards army demobilization and theprivatization of state-owned enterprises. FRUD is still a large presence in Djibouti; in1997, a FRUD faction, together with Gouled's own political party, won allof the seats in the Chamber of Deputies. However, the challenges that face Djibouti's relative health as anation continue to intimidate. Djibouti, it seemed, couldfinally direct its attention back on the subject of curing its social ills(Europa 1353). Throughout Djibouti, potable water suppliesare vastly inadequate (CIA 2). From the ashes of the prolongedAfar-Issa conflict has risen a changed Djibouti government that seems to bemore representative. "Supporting Women's Empowerment in Djibouti." UN Chronicle. Also,foreign assistance to Djibouti helps to support its balance of payments aswell as to finance development projects. The population of Djibouti is very young, with less than 3% reaching65 years of age. In recent years, because Djibouti has found itself on the "A" list of alldevelopment agencies as a "priority assistance country", organizations suchas UNFPA stand to help this country in ways never before possible. The FRUD movement, armed and organized by 1991, took control of manytowns and villages in northern Djibouti, and moved towards the capital. The IMF andother international organizations recognize this fact, and are sure to helpDjibouti to stay the course. Dec 11, 1993 v329 n7841 p. The task at hand is a daunting one. There is no arable land, no permanent crops,and no forests or woodlands. Though Djibouti's own ethnic conflicts have settled down a bitin recent years, cross-border traffic from war-torn Ethiopia and Eritreahas brought upwards of 1 , civil war refugees into Djibouti. The changes made to the Djibouti government nowallows for a multiplicity of political parties to emerge and appeal to themasses. Infant mortality is a highconcern, as is maternal mortality, which is also quite high (Rasul 14).The fertility rate, however, is staggering 5.72 children born/woman.Another component of population growth is the prevalence of HIV/AIDS; in1999 it was estimated that among adults, nearly 12% of Djibouti was livingwith the disease, with 9% of those infected dying each year. This is not to say, however, thatthis success had come easily or without incident. FRUD, initially securing nearly two-thirds ofthe hinterland, by mid-1993 had been matched by the national army, whichwaged a second-strike that forced a rebel retreat. Virtually all foodmust be imported; agriculture only constitutes 3% of Djibouti's GDP. Located in Eastern Africa adjacent to Somalia to theSoutheast, Ethiopia to the West and Southwest, and Eritrea to the North,Djibouti also enjoys 314 km of coastline. Political prisoners, riots, raids onvillages, and all manner of human rights violations have abounded in thepast decade as a consequence (Europa 1352) (The Economist, 47). Though Ethiopia has been planningto diversify her trade routes to other East-African countries, Djiboutishould remain a key regional trade and services hub in the years to come(Mbendi 2). The Gulf of Aden and the Red Seaborder the Eastern side of Djibouti, making it a strategic nation forinternational trade. 46."Djibouti." CIA-The World Factbook-Djibouti. Low literacy, HIV/AIDS, and a profound lackof natural resources will doubtless pose problems for years- if not decades- to come. Consider, for instance, that there are 1 2 infantdeaths for every 1, live births in Djibouti. Throughout the conflict, while much political maneuvering relied uponmediation and legislation, the outcome of the struggle seemed to bedictated on the battlefield. In this, the ability of movements such as FRUD to break intopieces while retaining political relevance has been safeguarded. Ultimately, in a third world nation so susceptible to virtually everybrand of turmoil as is Djibouti, it is never prudent to be overlyoptimistic. The road to reform is a long one, butDjibouti, at last, seems to be prepared to take the first steps. Once a pocket of peace in the troubled Horn, by 1991 thehostility between the Issa and the Afars had come to a head. 2 1. In a region known for civil strife, famine,ethnic cleansing, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and dramatic internationalinterventions, Djibouti strives along with her larger sisters Ethiopia,Eritrea and Somalia to find stability in the emerging world order of the21st century (Mbendi 1). The time has come for this republic to divert its spending awayfrom its military and towards its hospitals and its schools. A tall order, but one more easily fulfilled now thatthe violent tide of civil unrest seems to have abated. www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/dj.html. Thus, Djibouti is today in a position to take steps to ensure that itscitizens are represented fairly, and are educated, healthy, and safe fromhuman rights abuses. The fighting, bloodyand ruthless, displaced an estimated 8 , civilians, many of whom fledinto neighboring Ethiopia. If this is a nation intent on maintaining asteady stream of aid, then it must make good its commitment to reform. The accord would provide for the end of hostilities betweenthe Afars and the Issa- and every political incarnation they have eachrespectively assumed in the decade prior. Two-thirds of Djibouti's population live in the capital city, with theremainder scattered about in nomadic clans of herders. The French Territory of the Afars and Issas, so named for thepredominant two ethnic groups comprising the region, became the Republic ofDjibouti in 1977. The tiny Republic of Djibouti, which is nearly the size of the stateof Massachusetts, is emerging from the latest round of Horn of Africatravesties with a positive political and economic outlook on the future(CIA- The World Factbook 1). Thereare also very few natural resources in Djibouti, and hence, littleindustry. The capital city of Djibouti is positioned on theGulf of Aden very near Djibouti's Southern border with Somalia (CIA 1-3). 2 1. Retrieved June 1 , 2 2."Djibouti: Introductory Survey." The Europa World Yearbook 2 1. Pressure from theIMF to reform these areas of governance discussed earlier will help to keepDjibouti on the right track. Thistoo, may bode well for Djibouti (Rasul 14). An overview of basic statisticsand data regarding the economic and political environment of Djibouti isessential if the challenges that face this republic are to be understood.Equally important, a synopsis of important events in Djibouti's recenthistory will be necessary as the key political and ethnic disputes thathave plagued this country are discussed. Works Cited"Another War: Djibouti." The Economist. 14. Djibouti is also given to natural hazards including earthquakes,droughts, and flash floods. Retrieved June 1 , 2 2.Rasul, Zubaida. It is clear that the problems faced by this nation are nottrifles. Ultimately, the small nation ofDjibouti, blessed with a strategic location on the Horn of Africa, willneed to press every advantage as it fights to subdue the many threats topeace, tranquility and wellbeing that have cropped up in recent years. The population growth rate is 2.6%, which is remarkable;there are many factors at play that pull this figure up as well as somethat push it back down. Counteringthis effect on population is a high level of immigration, with refugeesspilling into Djibouti from neighboring nations (CIA 3-5). However, FRUD did notdisappear; in 1996 the government granted it legal recognition, and itquickly became the fourth political party in Djibouti. Just as important is the need for Djibouti to continue its program ofreform. In September of 1993, the human rightsorganization Amnesty International began making strong criticisms of theGouled administration for a multitude of alleged abuses of human rights bythe national army (Europa 1352). And, consequently,the largest party as well. An examination of the recent political and ethnic strife in and aroundDjibouti reveals a complicated web of racial intolerance and politicalavarice. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.