VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW IN AFRICA.   Term Paper ID:28846 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Analysis of human rights & religious violations & corruption in modern day Africa. Chad, Ethiopia, Somalia, South Africa, Namibia, Rwanda. Interclan politics, genocide. Response of international community.... More...

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Paper Abstract: Analysis of human rights & religious violations & corruption in modern day Africa. Chad, Ethiopia, Somalia, South Africa, Namibia, Rwanda. Interclan politics, genocide. Response of international community. Paper Introduction: Human Rights Violations and Political Corruption in Africa: Twin Legacies of a Troubled Past and a Tense Present Introduction and Statement of Purpose Human rights violations and political corruption have gone hand-in-hand in Africa for many, many years. Both have become commonplace in Africa's pre- and post-independence history. Governments have resorted to mass arrests, detention without trial, and the ill-treatment (as well as the genocidal murder) of citizens (Kelso, 1994). Abuse and corruption, the latter characterized by the enrichment of self-designated elites who often pocket funds destined for development and humanitarian programs of vital importance, are seemingly endemic and self-perpetuating throughout much of modern-day Africa. If the 1950s marked a triumph for Africa, with independence Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. New York: Four Walls Eight Windows. Lorch, D. Rwanda has also been home to seemingly endemicethnic conflict, and it is this aspect of Rwandan life and recent historythat will be the focus of this report. With the capture and incarceration of Nelson Mandela andother ANC leaders, the ANC renewed its efforts to foster change, drawingupon international support in the form of sanctions against the country(Ramsay, 1995). CurrentHistory, 94, April, 172-176. First, there is little evidence that theintergenerational conflicts between Hutu and Tutsi have been finally"resolved." As other cases of genocide have demonstrated, the animositiesand hatred that are the inevitable consequence of genocide are enduring.Scharf (1999) has commented that even when effective tribunals of justiceare created to mete out punishment to genocidal elements, the antagonismsthat have been created do not disappear. Bonny Ibhawoh (2 ) has suggested that it is important for non-African scholars, researchers, reporters and others examining both humanrights abuses and political corruption in the African context to recognizethat there are some very significant cultural verities that need to beconsidered. Intimidation was employed by theprovisional government to gain popular support -- however coerced andinsubstantial -- for the secession. A lengthy report in U.S. The genocidal "spree"lasted for about 1 weeks, during which most of the Rwandan Tutsi communitywas either killed, displaced, or had taken refuge in neighboring countries. (1993). Gordon,Eds., Understanding Contemporary Africa. While a number of other political parties, including theAfrican Communist Party (ACP) which is a sometimes-supporter of the ANC,were of importance, it was the IFP, NP and ANC that were more prominentlyinvolved in the current movement toward a new constitution and a newgovernment (Garson, 1993). Newbury, C. The origins of the war in Rwanda and its ethnic conflict can tracedto a wave of violence that occurred from 1959 to 1966. Namibia's transition to independence. This time, the Belgians andthe CIA supported the Hutu (Parker, 1998). They willlaunch hit-and-run attacks"(Church, 1993, p. (1992). (1998). Goose, S. Haile (1994)contends that the Eritrean people were, to a degree, compelled to vote forsecession by a one-part provisional government which employed the massmedia to brainwash the population. US special envoy Robert Oakley arrived in Somalia to find thatclan and other power struggles were escalating again, with a variety oftechniques being employed to attract support from the public. Each group, though agreeing in spirit on thenecessity of economic redistribution and the creation of a domesticdemocracy with its necessary governmental institutions, came to thebargaining table with a biased and highly confrontational agenda (Laurence,1993). Joyce Hackel (1995a) reported that after refugee camps wereestablished under U.N. Theinterim constitution adopted by the NP and agreed to by the ANC and the IFPprovided for a two-phased transition to democracy, which has been largelycompleted. Religion in Africa. Foreign Affairs, 75(3), 157-158. The most prominent anti-apartheid domestic organizationswere the African Political Organization (APO), the South African IndianConference (SAIC), and the South African Native National Congress (laterknown as the African National Congress or ANC). The country takes its name from the Namib Desert,one of the oldest deserts on the world, bordering South Africa, Botswana,Angola, and Zambia (knight, 1989; U.S. Gordon and D. African Business (1994) reported early in 1994 that the newly adoptedSouth African Transitional Constitution provided for a Government ofNational Unity, three tiers of government and a chapter of fundamentalhuman rights. In 1958, the Tutsi king, Mutara Hi diedand the Hutu majority took advantage of the slackening Belgian colonialrule to expel in a cruel manner, perhaps 1 , Tutsis from Rwanda. The fallout from this forced expulsion so poisoned relationsbetween and the Hutu and the Tutsi in both Rwanda and Burundi that laterefforts by both Belgium and the United Nations to consolidate these nationsinto a single entity proved futile. B.J. It has been suggested by Gerhart (1996) thata culture of silence has prevailed in Africa about both human rights abuseand political corruption, and that it is this silence that is asresponsible for ongoing abuses as any other putative cause. Ottaway, M. Kelso, B.J. and other humanitarian aid programs, the RPF(consisting of Tutsis) undertook concentrated attacks on Hutus under theassumption that the camps had become a locus for Hutu violence. creating an international criminal tribunal to try and punish the offenders, as in the case of the post- World War II Nuremburg Tribunal.Scharf (1999) has noted that it is this final option - creating of aninternational tribunal to render verdicts in the case of genocidalactivities in Rwanda and elsewhere in Africa - that has the greatest chancefor successfully easing tensions and, as significantly, beginning to bringoffenders to justice. In sum, independence has not brought to Namibia thepolitical, social or economic dislocations and problems common in otherThird World or African nations. It was left largely to the French, in Operation Turquoise,to prevent the deaths of several thousands tutsis. Khapoya, V.B. The subject matter of this report -- human rightsviolations or abuses and political corruption -- is admittedly broad anddeep. (1993). Destexhe, A. Santoro (1998) suggests that the history of the regionitself accounted for some of the support given to rebel Hutus. The killings were undertaken by Hutumilitias (the interahamwe and the impuzamugbmi -- originally organized asyouth wings of Hutu political parties) and death squads that wereestablished in 1992. Both have become commonplace inAfrica's pre- and post-independence history. As recently as 1998, ethnic tensions in Rwanda have led to killings.Lara Santoro (1998) noted in March of 1998 that Hutu rebels were stillengaged in acts of terrorism against the Tutsi minority and its government.The Hutu insurgents then consisted of a highly mobile force of no more thana few thousands fighters who appeared to be motivated solely by ethnichatred. Even then, anti-Tutsi feeling was principallyexpressed by students and the elite, and remained of little interest to themajority of rural Rwandans. Anonymous. Rwandan government authorities distributed large numbers of firearms tomilitia members and other supporters months before the genocide began.Parker (1994) maintains that as early as December 1992, Hutu extremists inand out of government had begun to target any number of Tutsi civilians forattack. and Martin, D. In 1948, the UN refused to allow South Africa tomake South West Africa its 5th province, though the Nationalist party actedin defiance of an International Court of Justice Ruling and gave the areaparliamentary representation. peacekeeping troops from the country that civil war was very likely toerupt again, and while at this time the conflicts in Somalia are relativelyunder control, the potential for renewed and escalated violence is veryreal. The return was made necessary when Tutsi-led rebels from Zaire, where the refugee Hutus had been living since 1994,forced the Hutus to leave. Ethnic diversity is again demonstrated as having thecapacity to foster divisiveness, usher in human rights abuses, and fosterpolitical corruption.The Case of Somalia Among the many "hot spots" in the world, Somalia for many months in 1993and 1994 ranked at the top of the list. More compelling is the fact that these conflicts have resulted inimmense suffering and in the wartime deaths of half a million people.Ramsay (1995) has suggested as well that ongoing civil war has decimatedthe economic infrastructure of the country and inhibited the creation of astable coalition government or of a peaceful multiethnic social system. By the fall of 1993, however, renewed activity by Aidid (whose troopshad greeted American Marines in December of 1992 with friendship) includedthe June ambush of Pakistani troops in which 24 were killed. (1991). He then stated that the accomplishments achievedby the Unity Government in its first year have surpassed most expectations,including those of the masses of South Africaners still waiting fortangible evidence that majority rule will deliver the benefits for whichthey struggled for so many years. Donatella Lorch (1993) reported in early November of 1993 that sincethe UN changed its aggressive stance on disarmament policy in Somalia, armsdealers were once again visible in the Bakara Market, located in the heartof Mogadishu and that they were openly selling a wide range of high-priced,sophisticated weapons. South Africa: Putting democracy to work. Department of Commerce, 1992). Ethiopians are divided into three main religious groups: Muslims,comprising 45 to 5 percent, Ethiopian Orthodox Christians comprising 35 -4 percent), and a relatively small population (1 to 2 percent) ofanimists and other ATRs (Ramsay, 1995). Grundy, K.W. (1994). Theintervention in Somalia and the death of more than 3 professional Americansoldiers was viewed by many in American governmental circles as likely tomitigate against public acceptance of American involvement in anotherAfrican crisis. (1999). Department of Commerce. Each of these variables has the potential tousher in a new round of genocidal violence.Conclusions Scharf (1999, p. (1993). doing nothing, which accomplishes nothing; 2. In addition, some analysts have speculated that President Bushwanted to go out in a blaze of glory as a world statesman (Church, 1993),and that he and his aides believed that the move would be the vehicleneeded to restore and embellish his reputation after his election defeat. The New York Times, October 6, A1+. Du Pisani, A. For example,South Africa is populated by Boers, descendants of British, German andDutch settlers, Zulu and other tribal groups and peoples, Indians and otherAsians, Africans from other countries, and "coloreds," of people of "mixedblood" (Thompson, 199 ). Conflicts in South Africa between theZulu and other ethnic or tribal groups are ongoing, and South Africa has asyet failed to restructure its own economy. Reconciliation in torn Rwanda. Santoro, L. In 199 , when the Tutsis invaded Rwanda across itsnorthern border from Uganda, the Rwandan Hutu government began to purchasevast quantities of weapons and munitions from any number of countriesincluding Russia, South Africa, Romania, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, andSlovakia. U.N. (1993). Ramsay, F.J. TheChristian Science Monitor, 88(2), 1. Fedarko, K. (1996). (199 ). Ramsay (1995) notes thatthe country is geographically divided into three zones, with the ATRconcentrated in the middle Sahel region. Africa Reports, 39(5), 59-64. Later in October, The Washington Post (1993) reported that Somalisfeared a repeat of the renewed violence that took place when US troops madetheir first withdrawal from Somalia in January of 1991. ANC leaders, having abandoned armed struggle, had to explainto their own constituents that existing sanctions against the country mustbe lifted to achieve both goals; NP leaders must find a way of reassuringwhites of their future safety when a non-white majority gains voting rights(O'Flaherty, 1993). Religion, tribal animosities and antagonisms, struggles overpolitical and economic power, and racism have all been offered as causalexplanations for these abuses. 45). In A. Today, Rwanda is in a state of whatMichael Scharf (1999) has described as tension, as an internationaltribunal continues to sort through allegations of atrocity and genocide asit continues its work of bringing those responsible for the 1994 genocideto justice. Though most of these groups have gradually accepted, howeverreluctantly, the necessity of creating a new South African constitution andgovernmental apparatus as one step in promoting economic growth anddevelopment, they remain divided with respect to the relative importance ofthe twin goals of political democracy and economic redistribution. CurrentHistory, 9 , May, 212-217. What went wrong in Somalia?. Moyo (1992) states that this is because Islam stresses thecommunity of believers and demands the subordination of regional and triballoyalties. The country has long been a pawn in international politics since thearrival of Christian missionaries and German settlers in the mid-18 s.Germany declared South West Africa a colony in 1884; earlier, in 1878,Great Britain had annexed Walvis Bay (the only deep-water port in thecountry) (Knight, 1989). Initial assessments of South Africa's progress toward democracy weregenerally positive and optimistic. America, 171(5),6-1 . Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball. Echo of 1994 genocide. The ExecutiveDeputy Presidents were to be drawn from political parties which hadobtained 8 or more seats in the National Assembly, and a multipartyCabinet created according to proportional representation, from individualsfrom parties that obtain 5 percent or more of the vote in the election.The Constitution also established a Commission to consider land ownershipclaims as well as a Constitution Court designed to interpret and enforcethe provisions of the Constitution (African Business, 1994,). ForeignAffairs, 73(5), 86 -97. The whites in South Africa have not, as was feared, eitherfled or engaged in prolonged and violent protest, though may publicly admitto disliking a "black government." As Mandela left office -- and the scandals involving his former wifeapparently were resolved -- South Africa continues to face enormousproblems. The NewYork Times, November 11, A7. Many of these groups have formed political parties dedicated torepresenting the interests of a portion of the general public; the NationalParty (NP) represents the white minority, the African National Congress(ANC) many South African blacks and coloreds, the Inkatha Freedom Party(IFP) the Zulu nation, and a number of other centrist and extremist groups(such as the Conservative Party and a right-wing Afrikaner Party) also arein competition for roles in the new South African government (O'Flaherty,1993). Political democracy has been extensively discussed by these parties ata number of national conferences and meetings, many of which were heldbefore the 1994 national constitutional election. Ethiopia, another country with a diversereligious profile, is another example of how religion effects the nation-state in Africa. US News and WorldReport, October 18, 12 , 33-37. Anonymous. Other activities included management of publicutilities and direct demonstrations of ability to govern as well as arejection of foreign power. With thearrival of the French, Christianity began to exert an appeal to thepredominantly black southerners of the region. If the 195 s marked a triumph for Africa, with independence for thefirst six countries giving hope to the thousands of people struggling forbasic human rights across the continent, the 196 s ushered in a newreality. Somalis express fears over US troop withdrawal.The Washington Post, October 24, A27. Over time, as shall bedemonstrated, the shifts between Hutus and Tutsis and national power havebeen responsible for genocidal attacks on first one group, then another. (1994). Arms dealers hustle again in Mogadishu. Time, October 18, 145, 42-5 . Under the control of South Africa, events in the country in theperiod between the early 195 s and independence were troubled by violenceand stringent repression of nationalism. These agents, led by thepresident of the country, stirred up racist feelings among Hutus againstthe Tutsis. Namibia. The IFP, which saw itself rather than the ANC as thelogical and rightful representative of the black population, also wasforced in the pre-election era to compromise on the issue of an electedconstituent assembly. In April 1994, between 2 , and 5 , were killed in a genocidalcarnage that swept through Rwanda. Additionally, what is needed is thedevelopment of a rapid international response to emergent genocide andethnic conflicts - something the world community has thus far failed tocreated in far too many disparate situations and settings. (1986). An analysis of strategic intervention policy inNamibia. Another concern was the relationship between theMengistu Mariam forces and the Soviet Union, a major backer and banker forthe nation as it sought to stabilize internal affairs in the 197 s and towin a war with Somalia as well (Khapoya, 1995). The National Assembly created by the Constitution was and iscomposed of 2 members from the regional, or provincial lists, and 2 members from the national lists. Most analysts believe that the transitionfrom colonial to independent status has been remarkably free fromdifficulties; investors, as a result, are encouraged to pursue new projectsin this country and to work with the new government toward this end.However, de Sardan (1999) noted recently that economic as well as politicalcorruption in Nambia remains a problem bcasue of SWAPO's continueddominance of the country's government and major industries.Rwanda: Genocide and Racism Rwanda is a small East Central African country situated in the lakesregion. However, as Belgium began tocontemplate the Tutsi demands for independence in the late 195 s, Europeansupport for the Tutsi minority shifted to the majority Hutus who then madeup some 9 percent of the Rwandan population. These two countries serve as an excellent example of how these threedifferent religious and cultural traditions currently affect two specificAfrican nations. Goose and Smyth (1994) contend thatmuch of the killing was carried out by Hutu extremists who targeted Tutsis. It has been suggested that each party had toconvince its own constituency of the benefits of compromise if either goalis to be met. (1999). Global Studies: Africa. In the 198 s, Libya and its leader Muammar al Qadhafi, attempted toannex Chad after the last French forces withdrew. FrankParker (1994) has stated that identifying who is Tutsi and who is Hutu hasalways been somewhat difficult. Dana, L.P. (1993). In the realm of what constitutes political or economiccorruption, such as the use of bribes and kickbacks to obtain preferentialtreatment as well as nepotism, African cultural mores are often quitedifferent from those of most Western nations. Washington, D.C.: U.S.Government Printing Office, 1992.----------------------- 34 A genocide later, Rwanda again on edge. Haile (1994) examined the case of Eritrea, which seceded fromEthiopia in 1993 in order to enjoy self-determination. Downto 1939 and beyond, the ANC was largely dominated by lawyers, clergy andjournalists who focused their efforts on nonviolent political action andsought constitutional redress. The franchise was extended to all adult South Africanresidents and with the abolition of the "Homelands" set aside underapartheid for blacks and coloreds, nine provinces were created for electionpurposes. (1989). Between 19 4 and 19 7, German troops facilitated the settlement ofGermans (whites) in the region; in the process, more than 75, (6 percent of the population of central and southern Namibia) were killed (duPisani, 1986). Oakley's mission was to restart peace talksthat were to include Aidid's faction (the Somali National Alliance) andother factions as well. Laurence, P. The third genocide. Constitution provides framework for the new SouthAfrica. The culture of protest that has for so long characterized SouthAfrican social life remains firmly in place and many blacks are hostile toreconciliation. The Group supported UN Resolution 435, whichcalled for South Africa's withdrawal from Namibia and fair and free, UN-supervised, national elections (Grundy, 1991). 63 ) states that historically, the internationalcommunity has relied on five ways of responding to violations ofinternational humanitarian law: 1. Secondly, Hutu and Tutsi forcescontinue to attack one another in selected regions of the country;neighboring Zaire and Burundi are also troubled with ethnic tensions andunrest, leading to the very real possibility that violence will "spillover" into Rwanda once more. Interclan politics in Somalia, stated the article, wereseriously underestimated and misunderstood by foreigners, who failed tounderstand that Aidid and his supporters viewed the conflict in differentterms than Western nations. Ibahwoh (2 )suggests that political corruption and human rights abuses in Somalia havenot disappeared, but have merely taken second place to tensions andconflicts occurring elsewhere on the Continent. When the civil war of 1959broke out, and independence followed in 1962, it was the Hutu who assumedpower and the Tutsis who became rebel guerrillas. As of this writing, Somalia is relatively quiet. The Christian ScienceMonitor, 9 (66), 7-9. Currently, there are roughly fivetimes as many Hutu as Tutsi in Rwanda and the Hutu majority has takencharge in Rwanda while the Tutsi, under King Mwanbutsa have taken controlof the government in Burundi. (1999). Opposition to SWAPO fromdisenchanted former members, ethnic and tribal opponents, returning exiles,other dissents and remaining whites is ongoing, though peaceful for themost part (Grundy, 1991). (1994). New Haven, CT: YaleUniversity Press. Anadditional 9 member Senate was also created under this preliminaryConstitution, a final version of which was to be ready and in place by twoyears following the first free and open election in 1994. It is roughly the size of the state of Maryland and has about 25 people per square kilometer. O'Flaherty, J.D. The RPF initiated a military offensive in October 199 but failed in its attempt to take power in Rwanda. (1994). Prior to European colonization and exploitation,what is now Namibia was a tribal homeland in which numerous competingtribal groups were found. The Tutsis weredefeated, but in the aftermath, the Rwandan Hutus attempted unsuccessfullyto overthrow the Tutsi government in Burundi. (1993). (1995b). (1988). In1957, Hutu activists issued a Manifesto which was shortly followed by adismissive response on the part of the Tutsi ruling class in Rwanda.Tensions between the Tutsi and the Hutu began to escalate and intensify asindependence approached. Spurred in part by the pleas of the United Nationsunder the leadership of Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghalli for faminerelief for the embattled Somali people, the United States under George Bushdecided to intervene (Church, 1993). Journal of Small Business Management, July,9 -96. (1994). Many of them played a key rolein the 1994 genocide and would likely be put to death if caught by theTutsi-led Army. In the fourth century, the Axumitecourt adopted the Coptic Christian faith, which has remained central to theculture of the country (Ramsay, 1995). Among the dominant and most well-representedgroups were the Ovambos (who now total 641, ), Kavangos (12 , ),Hereros (97, ), Damaras (97, ), Namas (62, ), Caprivans (48, ),Bushmen (37, ), Basters (32, ), and Tswanas (8, ) (Knight, 1989).Throughout the German occupation, the Ovambos escaped domination becausethey lived north of the so-called red line, beyond the authority andcontrol of the German police, in an area forbidden to white settlers;today, the line is ostensibly used to prevent hoof-and-mouth disease incattle from spreading, but in practice it has been used in recent years tocontrol SWAPO terrorist and political activities (Knight, 1989). As thousands of Hutuspoured across the borders, it was anticipated that even more would findthemselves charged with genocide and other human rights abuses and speedilyplaced in jail. Governments have resorted tomass arrests, detention without trial, and the ill-treatment (as well asthe genocidal murder) of citizens (Kelso, 1994). Church, G.J. They were supported by the Belgian governmentand the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). (1998). DeSardan, J.P.O. Namibia's first year of independence. creating a "truth commission," which investigates and attributes responsibility but falls short of active punishment of the guilty and fails to provide the guilty with the panoply of rights available to a criminal defendant; 4. Built upon the foundations providedby the United Party and the Purified National Party and the Afrikanerpopulation itself, the NP was initially dedicated to the maintenance ofwhite supremacy, apartheid, the creation of "Native Lands" to which blackswere confined, and strict and tight control over the economic, politicaland cultural lives of all non-whites (Thompson, 199 ). Itwas at this moment that the "humanitarian" mission became a mini-waragainst Aidid, leading to the events of the fall of 1993 that will bediscussed below. This is not, says Ibhawoh (2 ), to suggest that human rightsabuses do not exist or are not understood as such by the vast majority ofAfricans. Time, 148 (25), 48-5 . As the time neared for the 1994 election, the violence then takingplace in South Africa continued to overshadow constitutional developments,as was evident in the 5 deaths taking place in July alone that weredirectly related to racial violence (Garson, 1993). Ethno-regional autonomymovements, linked to religious and cultural hegemonic drives, have been atthe heart of these tensions. The arms flow alsofacilitated violations of international law and increased human rightsabuses through the first three years of the 199 s. (1979). Haile, M. During the eighth century, Islamicconquest brought the area surrounding the highlands of the nation underIslamic control, cutting off the Copts from Eastern coreligionists andvirtually ensuring that the Christian Church in Ethiopia would be somewhatisolated and not subject to many of the currents influencing the shape ofmodern Christianity. Since independence, the government of the country is perceived byanalysts as having relied, economically, on strategic interven-tionist policy to encourage new venture creation and a healthy smallbusiness sector (Dana, 1993). Though the NP itself made the first move towardconsensus with the ANC and other non-white parties, de Klerk's own Party,particularly its right-wing elements, was not completely enthusiastic aboutproposed elections, the planned new constitution, or the extension of thevoting franchise to all adult South Africans (Garson, 1993). Situated on the southwest coast of Africa, Namibia has been describedas a predominately arid country, bounded along its coast by the NamibDesert and to the east by the Kalahari Desert. ForeignAffairs, 72, 126-136. It is the theory of Goose and Smyth (1994) that theproliferation of weapons in Rwanda expanded the conflict and resulted inthe displacement of more than one million Rwandans. At the time that the 1994 genocide began to be revealed, Americanunwillingness to become involved in the matter was readily apparent.Destexhe (1996) has stated that the reason for American hesitation lay inSomalia, but the Hutus had little in common with the Somali warlords. and U.S.officials were outraged by this action, and the Security Council respondedwith a resolution authorizing the detention and arrest of Aidid and hissupporters and offered a $25, reward for his arrest (Church, 1993). (1999). Coming home. While Mayo addresses these influences largely interms of their religious significance, we can also understand each as aninherently cultural and therefore secular influence as well. Johnson, P. Further, with Muslims concentrated in the lowlands andCopts in the highlands, with groups clinging to animist and othertraditional belief systems, Ethiopia was subject to centuries ofinternecine struggle and conflict (Ramsay, 1995). The why's in Rwanda. Proportional representation, by means ofwhich population is used to determine the number of assembly members to beelected from each district, forms the basis of the electoral process. (1993). Later, as it became clear that the NP would not move towardliberalization, the ANC adopted a progressively more militant posture thatat times embraced elements of Marxist-Leninist dialectics (Johnson andMartin, 1988). Legality of secessions: The case of Eritrea.Emory International Law Review, 8(479). Parker (1994) has pointed out that shortly afterindependence in 196 , a group of Rwandan Tutsi who had fled to Burundi,attempted to return home. Congruent with demands for self-determination havebeen efforts by ethnic and religious groups to seize control of Ethiopia'spolitical and economic infrastructures, and to simultaneously enrichthemselves in the process. The Islamic and Copticgroups have, based on power, affluence and population, a greater influenceon Ethiopia than the ATRs, though in this country as elsewhere elements ofATR are undoubtedly woven into the fabric of daily life (Moyo, 1995). It took nearlyfour weeks for the Security Council to recognize the problem's severity andto adopt a new resolution increasing United Nations (U.N) forces to 5,5 .The first military intervention in Rwanda at this time was undertaken bythe French who established a security zone in southwestern Rwanda under aJune 22, 1994 Security Council Resolution that empowered the French "totake all necessary means" during a two-month period to protect civiliansand ensure the distribution of humanitarian aid (Scharf, 1994). Kelson (1994) defines this reality as one in which theliberators became oppressors, establishing a trend that is nothing lessthan deadly and which still persists as the new millennium begins. Clinton reviews policy in Somalia as uneasegrows. The killing in Rwanda did not stop with Tutsis, but included otherethnic groups (the Twa) and foreigners, including Belgian soldiers andmembers of the Roman Catholic Jesuit Order. Responding to Rwanda. Joshua Hammond (1995) reported some time after the departure of allU.N. Hackel, J. In the late 195 s, Namibian nationalistmovements like SWAPO (the South West African People's Organization) andSWANU (South West African National Union) emerged in opposition to SouthAfrican domination; key people in the movements, which were regarded byopponents as terrorist or guerilla movements, were Andimba Tovio ya Tovio,Andreas Shipanga, Emil Appolus and Fanuel Kozozonguizi (Knight, 1989). Drowned in blood. However, as Goose and Smyth (1994) have noted, the aftermath of thiswar created further tensions between Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda and thesurrounding area. The democratic model created in South Africa, over time and as aresult of various necessary compromises and agreements, has removed thelegal superstructure of apartheid, but as yet failed to counter apartheid'ssocial and economic substructure and the ensuring tensions and inequitiesinherent in the society as a whole (Grundy, 1995). Anonymous. Ottaway (1999) stated that many of this and other Africancountries' new leaders are not truly committed to democracy and remainsuspicious of popular participation. (1995). From the beginning, there were grave misgivings expressed byAdministration officials and elected Congressmen at home. Leonard Thompson (199 ) hasstated that South Africa, as a national entity, has lacked the type ofethnic and racial cohesion that facilitates domestic harmony. Established in 1992, thishumanitarian effort was to shift over time to an entirely different effortin May of 1993. Europa Publications. At that time, Aididmarched into the capital and an "orgy of looting and violence" took place.Famine alone convinced US leaders, particularly George Bush, to return UStroops and other support services for a humanitarian relief effort inconjunction with the UN and its member nations. Through the government-run and created NamibianDevelopment Corporation, investment is fostered via tax incentives,concessional internal loans and other subsides for both foreign anddomestic manufacturing firms. Grundy (1995) wrote that one electiondoes not a democracy make. After the defeat of Germany in WWI, the league of Nationsassumed control; in 192 , the League gave South Africa a mandate toadminister all of German South West Africa, and n 1925 the South Africangovernment enacted a constitution that gave limited autonomy to whites (notblacks) in the region, appointing a white South African administratorgeneral (Knight, 1989). Christian Century, 11(19), 6 . (1996). The immediate causes, of course,were ghastly pictures on television and in the print media of famine inSomalia and the pleas of the United Nations for assistance in getting foodand medical supplies, desperately needed by the Somalis, past the guns ofarmed gangs and into the hands of the starving in a country that had noreal government in place and practically no order of any sort (Church,1993). They will lay ambushes. As of October of 1993,however, recognizing that Clinton is under extreme public and Congressionalpressure to effect a rapid withdrawal, and that efforts to constrain Aididand other combatants have not succeeded, the Somali people expressed fearsof what will take place in the future. (1996). AfricaReports, May/June, 38, 25-27. Haile (1994) also states that themodern history of Ethiopia has been characterized as a struggle againstregional forces which sought to destroy it because of its Christian faithand Europeans (notably the Italians) who wished to colonize it. Thompson, L. Taken together with genocide andinternecine civil war between disparate tribal peoples, this has created asituation in which development is lagging, meaningful growth is beingstunted, and debt is burgeoning well beyond the capacity of any country toextricate itself and save its future. Somalis universally reportedfatigue and a desire to end all hostilities. Foreign Policy, 114, 13. Foreign Policy,97(3), 3-18. Acontinual lack of justice directedtoward those who abuse others or who function (or allow their governmentsto function) in a corrupt manner has tended toallow history to repeat itself. Moyo, A. Kevin Fedarko (1996) reported in late 1996 that many Hutus who hadfled Rwanda in 1994 in fear of reprisal for the genocidal slayings of8 , Tutsis were returning. The exact mix of motives behind thisdecision is still not altogether clear. Internal struggles for powerbetween competing warlords, political factions, enclaves with the militaryand law enforcement agencies, and warring tribal groups created a situationof virtual civil war. To achieve these objectives, the U.N. Simultaneously, the country's prisons were packed withmore than 83, genocide suspects awaiting trial. References Anonymous. Africa. Friedman, T. Abuse and corruption, thelatter characterized by the enrichment of self-designated elites who oftenpocket funds destined for development and humanitarian programs of vitalimportance, are seemingly endemic and self-perpetuating throughout much ofmodern-day Africa. Accordingly, the case study methodology will be employed toselectively examine these issues in the context of specific Africannations. As war and turmoil in Angola as aconsequence of Portuguese rule (and Portuguese departure) intensified, manyAngolans were also caught in South Africa's ongoing destabilizationcampaign in the region and its cross-border raids to neutralize SWAPO andit sanctuaries in southern Angola (Grundy, 1991). The African Experience. Finding common ground. Rwanda has two major ethnic groups, the Hutus and the Tutsis. Ottaway (2 ) states that SouthAfrica still suffers from corruption, especially nepotism in the allocationof government offices and positions, and is home to an urban squatterpopulation living well below the poverty level in abject squalor. The National Party, composed essentially of white South Africaners,emerged in the years following the Great Depression, which fostered apolitical realignment in South Africa. The first United Nations response to the massacres was in the form ofResolution 912 on April 21, 1994. Alain Destexhe (1996) states that throughout the 197 s and 198 s,anti-Tutsi feeling grew in Rwanda and was exacerbated by the country'songoing economic problems. Knight, V.C. Africa South of the Sahara. CurrentHistory, May 25, 89, 226-228. They were being trained in Zaire and equippedto penetrate deeper into Rwandan territory where they began to lay minesand sabotage the infrastructure. More than 1 , people died in this province in a fewshort months of 1998 -- thus indicating that genocide in Rwanda is stillvery much a problem today. More than5 percent of the former Hutu political establishment -- and 8 percent ofthe Armed Forces -- came from the northwest. That being said,however, the reality of the contemporary African situation is that humanrights abuses and corruption are both widespread and detrimental to theprogress and well-being of much of the continent and its diverse peoples. Grundy, K. After US troops confiscated thousandsof weapons in January of 1993, arms dealers "went underground" but againreturned to an active, public presence in the capital and elsewhere in thecountry. Kenneth Grundy (1995) has pointed out that South Africa'stransformation has created popular expectations that would be difficult foreven the most popular, practiced, and gifted government to satisfy. These groupshoped to both win supporters and to convince the UN and the US to includethem in the peace negotiations. Holding together South Africa. Human rights monitors in Rwanda said thatas the rebel's infiltration increased, government arrest rates shot up tosome 7 per week; monitors accused government troops of killing between 5and 1 civilians (mostly Hutus) per day. Arming genocide in Rwanda. Theidea of a government of national unity was adopted after apartheid wasofficially ended to buy time for the country's new leaders and to co-optcenters of opposition to the ANC. The hunt for Aidid occupied the interests andthe attention of the UN and US forces, allowing the development of otherhostilities and the creation of other outbreaks of uncontrolled violence. Vincent B.Khapoya (1994) makes note of the fact that Christianity and the European,Christian colonizers were generally contemptuous of African indigenousculture, including its religious manifestations; Islam, which was also amajor force in shaping culture and society in many African regions, wasintroduced in the eighth century, aided by jihads or holy wars againstthose who resisted conversion (Khapoya, 1994). Key SWAPO officials andappointees in the government have included Defense Minister PeterMueshihange, Home Affairs minister Hifkepunye Pohamba, Army CommanderSoloman Hawala, and President Sam Nujomo. Englewood Cliffs, NJ:Prentice Hall. Ethnicity and the politics of history inRwanda. Destexhe (1996) has stated that Hutus in government prepared for theway for genocide in 1993 and 1994 very carefully. Africa Today, 45(1), 7-25. The leaders of theseorganizations were Western-oriented middle-class people interested infostering social, political and educational equality (Thompson, 199 ). SWA/Namibia: The Politics of Continuity andChange. InIslamic regions, Islamic law and Islamic Arab administrative and politicalstructures have negatively impacted upon adherence of African TraditionalReligions. U.S. They beat me violently with their fists andsticks. assisting in domestic prosecutions, which can foster an excessive and abusive response to genocide; 5. In the 192 s and 193 s, liberal whites, as well as politicized non-whites, formed a number of local councils and other organizations whichserved as a vehicle for the various racial groups to meet, discuss racialproblems and attempt to organize resistance to the NP and its policies(Thompson, 199 ). The election itself involved 19 separate political parties and was,surprisingly, marked by a quite extraordinary atmosphere of good will, inspite of last-minute antagonisms between the Inkatha and ANC parties. and Smyth, F. argued that anincreased and more active (and aggressive) American military presence wasvital, particularly if Mohammed Farah Aidid (the principle warlord andcombattant) was to be stopped in his bid for power (Friedman, 1993). South Africa created, within Namibia, a system of racial segregationor apartheid similar to its own, thus fostering antagonisms between aneconomically dominant white population and a worker population of blacksand "coloreds." Finally, the war and changing regional and global powerconfigurations forced South Africa to seek an accommodation in the region(Grundy, 1991). Scharf, M. South Africa Information Service. (1995). Entrepreneurship is encouraged by thegovernment, and as a result, the country may be the first 3rd World economyto have avoided (thus far) the high debt ratios which re the inevitableresult of decolonialization, independence, and efforts to achieve rapidgrowth and development. Thevictorious Tutsis, who assumed power after the genocide, remainedsuspicious of the Hutus and is apparently still not convinced that alltensions have been eased. Since independence in 1962, Rwanda and itsneighbor Burundi have both been classified among the poorest nations of theworld (Parker, 1994). Despite various efforts by the UNand others in the West, "South Africa has manipulated the governmentstructure in Namibia for the past 7 years, always trying to control itand, in more recent years, to make it look autonomous and acceptable tooutsiders (Knight, 1989, p. TheBelgians did not intercede and many of the refugees went to Uganda orBurundi. Hackel (1995b) reported in late 1995 that Huturebel infiltrators along the border with Zaire continued to attack Tutsigovernment, military andcivilian targets in Rwanda. It is sparsely populated,with an area of about twice the size of California (32 , sq. Department of Commerce, 1992). Grundy (1991) analyzed the national situation one yearafter independence, concluding in general that anticipated turmoilfollowing independence in the political and economic sectors did notmaterialize -- at least to the level or degree typical in such situations.SWAPO, now the major player in the new national government, has movedtoward what Grundy characterizes as a "theme of reconciliation,' attemptingto bring together the diverse tribal, ethnic, and racial divisions andgroups in the country to foster peace and growth. Avaiable at If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.