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REFORM IN 19TH CENT. CHINA.
Term Paper ID:26806
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Essay Subject:
Examines economic modernization & sociopolitical reform, interaction with West, rebellion, Opium Wars, Self-Strengthening Movement, Confucianism, conservative leadership, more.... More...
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12 Pages / 2700 Words
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Paper Abstract:
Examines economic modernization & sociopolitical reform, interaction with West, rebellion, Opium Wars, Self-Strengthening Movement, Confucianism, conservative leadership, more.
Paper Introduction:
The history of China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries cannot be understood without considering the overwhelming importance of its responses to the West. The stereotype of early nineteenth-century China--as a rigidly traditionalist entity incapable of change--mistakes the contrast between gradual, internal change--within the oldest and largest unit of human social organization--and the more rapid reaction to the threats and promises inherent in Western influence. The earliest incursions of Westerners had been carefully controlled but the contact generated questions the intellectual and power elites had not had time to answer before crisis set in. The British prosecution of the Opium War, and the subsequent arrival of the era of unequal treaties, forced an increase in the pace of reaction. Throughout the next 70 years a great variety of reforms
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Inthe last decade of the nineteenth century radical reformers began topropose comprehensive institutional reform but the Qing rulers' receptionof ideas such as foreign study, increased industrialization, andfundamental changes in institutions was only violent repression, which wasfollowed, far too late, by limited acceptance. At the same time the Courtadopted the view that these new treaties, while their terms were asunfavorable as ever, constituted the maximum concessions that would be madeto the West. In Cheng Kuan-ying'scriticisms of the government's commercial and manufacturing initiatives,for instance, this writer, who worked "as a compradore in foreign firms forabout thirty years," fully recognized the inadequacy that resulted from theprograms' inability to separate from traditional approaches.[xvi] Henoted, for example, the kind of limitation predicted by Ma's observationsabout Western protection of commercial enterprises. [xx]Ibid., 187. K'ang escaped to Japan but his moment had ended. In responding to the British threat Lin Tse-hsü operated from thetraditional Chinese view of foreigners, politely asserting China'ssuperiority without bothering to inform himself about these particularbarbarians. [xvii]Cheng Kuan-ying, "The Criticisms of Cheng Kuan-ying, c. According to Prince Kung the best course was described by the ancientadmonition to "resort to peace and friendship when temporarily obliged todo so; use war and defense as your actual policy."[vii] In the samememorial Kung urged the establishment of the Tsungli Yamen, a specialbranch of the Grand Council which was to administer the foreign policydecided by the Council and to advise on measures to meet the challenge ofthe West. Fairbank, China'sResponse to the West: A Documentary Survey, 1839-1923 (Cambridge: HarvardUP, 1954), 62. BibliographySpence, Jonathan. . The Chinese response to the West moved through roughly six phasesbeginning with the early belief that the West's influence could becontrolled and followed by a shift to understanding that the West clearlyhad the resources, skills, and will needed to impose its influence onChina. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: A DocumentarySurvey, 1839-1923 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1954), 51. Fairbank, China's Response to theWest: A Documentary Survey, 1839-1923 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1954), 95. 1892,"in Ssu-yü Teng & John K. The report of an experienced Chineseofficial could demonstrate even more than Ma Chien-chung's report ofWestern economic and political marvels how little the Chinese understood ofthe West, and how badly they misinterpreted their own standing in theworld. By 1912, under the pressureof revolution, the dynasty abdicated, leaving the Chinese people, "withalmost no experience whatsoever in the arts and institutions of self-government," to form their own republican government.[iv] It was in thisperiod those who had almost no use for traditional institutions came to thefore. . Fairbank, China's Response to the West: A DocumentarySurvey, 1839-1923 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1954), 99. Reformersarose in the first decade of the twentieth century, such as Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, who had no use for the Qing or their system of governing and urgedpatriotic reform and nationalism. And, although their different views couldgenerate violent opposition, all these conservatives, reformers, andrevolutionists "were vitally concerned with China, its civilization, andway of life" and behind all their proposals there was "a cultural bond[and] a strong consciousness of China as an entity and of the Chinesepeople as a unit in history."[i] Even the immediate cause of the Opium War was the result of theleadership's desire to protect the nation from the debilitating evils ofthe drug. One of the most able and most influential of the Self-Strengtheningtheorists was Feng Kuei-fen, the scholar who probably was the first toemploy the term tzu-ch'iang. But, as noted by Tseng Kuo-fan,the special difficulties of dealing with the barbarians made it all themore incumbent upon Chinese officials to insist that Confucian principlesbe the basis for their response to the West. The British prosecution of the Opium War, andthe subsequent arrival of the era of unequal treaties, forced an increasein the pace of reaction. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: ADocumentary Survey, 1839-1923 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1954), 26. Kuo Sung-tao, head of the Chinese legation in London, wrote to LiHung-chang about England with a sense of genuine appreciation and little ofthe traditional tendency to automatically despise what he saw. In conversational remarksthat he recorded Tseng provides an example of how he viewed the problem: If we wish to find a method of self-strengthening, we should begin by considering the reform of government service and the securing of men of ability as urgent tasks, and then regard learning to make explosive shells and steamships and other instruments as the work of first importance.[ix]Radical reform of the official class was not even a possibility and Tseng'sfaith in reinstituting Confucian principles may have been the bestavailable course for establishing a sound foundation for the modernizationeffort. This finally led to the serious rethinking ofoptions regarding the challenge of the West and the promotion of internalself-strengthening was accepted as a general response to this and manyother problems. Feng advocateda broad program of acquiring Western knowledge, and adopting aspects ofEuropean systems of schooling, administration, industrialization and othermodernization initiatives. K'ang had chosen a fairly radical pathearly on when he took a somewhat "eccentric approach to Confucianscholarship" with his attempt to prove "that Confucius had not resistedsocial change and that Confucianism did not negate the basic ideas of humandevelopment and progress."[xviii] But it was K'ang's broad program ofreforms that was put into a memorial signed by 1,3 candidates for themetropolitan examinations and submitted to the Emperor Kuang-hsü thatgenerated change. [xiv]Ibid., 96. [xi]Ibid. [xiii]Ma Chien-chung, "Ma Chien-chung's Report on His Studies inFrance, 1877," in Ssu-yü Teng & John K. But, recognizing the need forpractical changes if China was to have any chance against the Westerners,Wei Yuan offered practical measures--such as building shipyards,manufacturing arms, and hiring foreign experts--and developed theoreticalthinking on warfare--such as pursuing land wars rather than playing toBritish strength by fighting at sea--that would contribute to theimprovement of China's chances against Western aggression. The earliestincursions of Westerners had been carefully controlled but the contactgenerated questions the intellectual and power elites had not had time toanswer before crisis set in. China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey, 1839-1923. [xv]Kuo Sung-tao, "A Letter of Kuo Sung-Tao from London, 1877," in Ssu-yü Teng & John K. Even the more conservative reformers ofthe 189 s, such as Chang Chih-tung, had urged that education be improvedand made more practical. [ii]Jonathan Spence, The Search for Modern China, 2nd ed. This produced a reaction in which China's intellectuals and leadersbegan to promote the idea of self-strengthening initiatives that wouldprepare China for challenges that could not yet be foreseen--but were sureto come. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: A DocumentarySurvey, 1839-1923 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1954), 54. . The history of China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries cannotbe understood without considering the overwhelming importance of itsresponses to the West. The results ofthe Second Opium War had satisfied the British and French who now believedthat they had achieved what was needed for decades of successfulexploitation of China's markets and resources. The dynasty's survival of these disasters was nothingshort of miraculous and led to the period known as the T'ung-chihRestoration, during the regency of Prince Kung and the conservative DowagerEmpress Tz'u-hsi, in which Kung and the numerous very able officials whohad risen to prominence fighting the rebellions, "managed to reinvest theQing dynasty with a sense of purpose, shore up the economy, and developsignificant new institutions"--all while seeking to bring about "the re-establishment of the basic values of Confucian government."[v] In view of the severity of the challenges to the dynasty's power itis hardly surprising, as Teng and Fairbanks note, that "by 186 the rulersof China had wasted twenty years in refusing to face the problems createdby Western contact."[vi] But, coming on top of all its other difficulties,the second war with the British, accompanied by the French this time,resulted in the defeat of Manchu troops guarding Beijing and the emperorwas forced to flee and to accept all the Westerners' terms that had beenresisted for over a decade. In a group of essays written in the early186 s Feng put forward the broadest program yet for identifying and dealingwith the challenges of the West. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: A DocumentarySurvey, 1839-1923 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1954), 48. so theywill grasp the great principles for the establishment of character, in thehope of becoming men of useful abilities."[xii] The great principles that some of the students grasped during theirtenure abroad might, however, have been of greater practical use. The reform movemententered a conservative phase, more acceptable to the empress, with thesuggestions of Chang Chih-tung, who combined a recognition of the need forbasic educational and technical reform with a horror at Western notionsregarding government--especially anything that hinted at democracy. [xxi]Ibid. [v]Spence, 192-193. 2nd ed. After 6 years of attempts at reform andthe institution of industrialization, commercial initiatives, and militaryimprovements China seemed to have made almost no progress at all. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1954.----------------------- Endnotes [i]Ssu-yü Teng & John K. Fengnoted, for instance, that within two years of opening up to the West theJapanese already possessed ten steamships of their own and, even moresignificantly, had sent them "over the western ocean to pay return visitsto the various countries."[xi] But such a course of action was extremelydifficult for the Chinese conservatives who were filled with suspicionabout the influence that absence, and any training that was not centered ontraditional Confucian moral values, would have on students abroad. Just asimple note throws the hopefulness of the Self-Strengthening advocates intogrim relief: All Western knowledge is derived from mathematics. Notable among his observations is theremark that modern Western wealth derived not only from the invention ofmachines but from capitalism, "the protection of commercial organizations"and the flexibility of monetary systems and credit.[xiii] He was furtherimpressed by the fact that Western political systems operated on the basisof cooperation between government and people so that "those who seek powerconsider it important to win the hearts of the people."[xiv] It was also not until the 187 s that China at last sent permanentdiplomatic missions to the West. [xxii]Ibid., 196. But these ideas were not even to become practical possibilities foranother two decades and, in the meantime, the Court commanded a policy ofconciliation for dealing with the foreigners as it struggled to maintainits all-powerful self-image while outsiders threatened and, even moreseriously, internal stability was assaulted. But both Lin and the military scholar Wei Yuan (as well asmany other Chinese officials) were badly shaken by the outcome of the Warand proceeded to acquire all the information they could about the West. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: ADocumentary Survey, 1839-1923 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1954), 3. As Kuo wrote, becauseof the controlling role assigned to officials who had no experience ofcommerce or manufacturing (and might be corrupt and arbitrary in theirdecisions) "rich merchants and great businessmen who have undertaken manyaffairs , although they understand clearly that there are profits to bemade, nevertheless hesitate to accept the invitation to manage governmententerprises."[xvii] But the general failure of the Self-Strengthening movement becameperfectly clear within a few years of Kuo's criticisms as China provedutterly incapable of defending its tributary state Vietnam in the Sino-French War (1894-95) and, ten years later, was defeated by the Japanese.In the 189 s, however, reformers had what came to be seen as the lastsubstantive chance to preserve much of the old system, and the Qingdynasty, in the Hundred Days reforms that developed from the ideas of K'angYu-wei, a brilliant young scholar. This meant education outside the country and"this in turn led to the growth of patriotic anti-Manchu revolutionarysentiment among the student class."[xxii] Forced to accept a degree ofrepublicanism and faced with further challenges from various patrioticgroups the Qing abdicated in 1911, essentially leaving the Chinese peopleto begin the process of dealing with the power and influence of the Westall over again. [viii]Feng Kuei-fen, "On the Adoption of Western Knowledge," in Ssu-yüTeng & John K. His essay "On the Adoption of WesternKnowledge" provides a feeling, however, for the enormous size of the taskthat confronted China and how very far behind the nation was. [xii]Tseng Kuo-fan and Li hung-chang, "The Proposal of Tseng and Li in1871," in Ssu-yü Teng & John K. Even Chang, however, was opposed by the true conservatives and theempress was torn between instituting reform, which even she believed wasessential, and securing conservative support. [xvi]Teng and Fairbank, 113. This atmosphere allowed various change-orientedscholar-officials to flourish and enrich the movement. The memorial evenincluded a broad range of topical suggestions regarding everything frompublic health and road repair to the study of mineralogy and the printingof bank notes--all topics that had been investigated or at least hinted atby the Self-Strengtheners but here given far greater force. Yet even if he had possessed more information the Court'sdisapproval of any other course would have constrained him from suggestingalternatives. Reporting on his recently completed examinations at the PoliticalInstitute Ma revealed the extent of the insight he was developing intoWestern economies and governments. Itremained dangerous, however, to voice any opinion from which an assessmentof China as a weak nation could be inferred. This led to an era of cooperation between the Qing and thevarious Western interests based on the latter's assumption that a stableregime guaranteed increased foreign trade and the former's desire to getwhatever knowledge and assistance it could in order to be able, eventually,to see to its own defense and modernization. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: ADocumentary Survey, 1839-1923 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1954), 93. Still many of the reformers were perfectly aware that greaterflexibility on the part of the Qing and the remainder of officialdom couldeasily produce far better results. The Search for Modern China. (New York:Norton, 1999), 152. Throughout the next 7 years a great variety ofreforms and changes were proposed by members of China's intellectual eliteas the means to deal with the problem of the West (and the numerous otherproblems facing the nation). Evenwhen the Education Mission to the United States was finally approved in the187 s it was canceled ten years later. In the 185 s the TaipingRebellion (185 -64) in the southwest, the Nian Rebellion (1851-68) in Henanand Anhui, and major Muslim revolts (1855-73) in the far west seriouslychallenged the Qing. Fairbank. Despite all the dynasty's difficulties the tzu-ch'iang or Self-Strengthening movement began at a fairly propitious time. [ix]Tseng Kuo-fan, quoted in Ssu-yü Teng & John K. New York: Norton, 1999.Teng, Ssu-yü & John K. [x]Feng Kuei-fen, "On the Manufacture of Foreign Weapons," in Ssu-yüTeng & John K. As the head of the Tsungli Yamen Kung was able to establishrelations with the various Western powers and worked hard to keep peacewith them in order to give the Self-Strengthening movement room to effectchange. The young emperor's acceptance of the memorial and the institution ofapproximately 4 of K'ang's in June 1898 gave a brief illusion of hope.But the Dowager Empress, still a major force and feeling forced into acontest for power with her nephew, repealed the decrees of the emperor,placed him under arrest, and had many of K'ang's fellow reformers executed. In all this they were, for instance,also driven by the example of Japan, which, though "a tiny country . The essays were privately circulateduntil, in 1898, they were brought to the attention of the Emperor Kuang-hsüwho had them widely distributed among government officials. The efforts went forward, however, and between186 and the end of the century numerous initiatives were undertaken thattouched on most aspects of modernization. She did not wish to appearto follow the same path for which she had placed the emperor under housearrest and was also alarmed by popular discontent with her rule. But it may also have been a limiting perspective that, while itplacated the most conservative officials, also gave them the opening torevert to arguments about the protection of Chinese character and morals. [xviii]Spence, 225. He called for an enormous number of changes which heheld could take place within the traditional official structures only ifcertain reforms were instituted, such as "relaxation of the stricttraditional qualifications in favor of men of ability, the increase ofsalaries to foster integrity and honesty, cessation of sales of officialrank, [and] elimination of sinecure offices."[xix] In addition K'angproposed various initiatives to promote progress, meaningful reform ofeducation to take in Western subjects including agriculture and business,reform of local governments, and benevolent policies that securedgovernment interest in the welfare of the people. But the great irony of the Chinese responseto the West was always that, so far as dealing with foreigners wasconcerned, the Manchu Qing themselves had always been regarded by theChinese people as little more than long-resident foreigners. The stereotype of early nineteenth-century China--as a rigidly traditionalist entity incapable of change--mistakes thecontrast between gradual, internal change--within the oldest and largestunit of human social organization--and the more rapid reaction to thethreats and promises inherent in Western influence. Fairbank, China's Response to the West: ADocumentary Survey, 1839-1923 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1954), 54. [xix]Teng and Fairbank, 148. The Rebellion was a disaster that "could have been precipitatedby only by leaders profoundly ignorant of the West, even granting the factof great foreign provocation."[xxi] It was also the disaster that provedto be the beginning of the end. Shedecided therefore to side with the conservatives "who tried to channel alleconomic, social, and political discontent against the foreigners, theirconverts to Christianity, their churches and their railways."[xx] Thiseffort, however, led to the Boxer Rebellion of 19 which brought aboutswift reaction from the eight Western powers whose forces were dispatchedto Beijing and who eventually demanded indemnities amounting to $333million. [iv]Spence, 263. [iii]Lin Tse-hsü, "Lin Tse-hsü's Moral Advice to Queen Victoria,1839," in Ssu-yü Teng & John K. The result of the Rebellion, however, was a belated attempt by theEmpress to institute reforms. Every Westerner of ten years or more studies mathematics. [vi]Teng and Fairbank, 46. Li Hung-chang deeply regretted the end of the Mission and a good example of howmuch potential the Educational Mission held is provided by the report of MaChien-chung, one of Li's protégés who studied in France rather than inAmerica. .still knows how to exert her energy to become strong," as Feng noted.[x]In this essay, as in many of the scholars' memorials, there were thefaintest hints of the need for more extensive internal reform and greaterleeway for those who were, after all, working on the nation's behalf. [vii]Prince Kung, "The New Foreign Policy of January 1861," in Ssu-yüTeng & John K. A result of this general policy, however, was the various formsof Chinese nationalism that were, eventually, to reshape the nation. If we now wish to adopt Western knowledge, we cannot but learn mathematics.[viii]Despite all their plans for modernization the Chinese were clearly startingfrom far behind the pack. He wasespecially appreciative of how the Industrial Revolution had carriedEngland so far in a very short period of time and admitted that "Chineseofficials and scholars are presumptuous in their sanctuary and are tryingto obstruct the changes of the universe; they can never succeed."[xv] The difficulties inherent in the conservatism of Chinese officialdomthat were observed and at least hinted at by Feng, Ma, and Kuo becameapparent every time the Self-Strengthens managed to institute modernmethods of commerce or industrial production. Rejecting the utilitarian economic arguments of some, theEmperor Daoguang decided to side with those of his advisers who held thatthe opium trade was "cruel and greedy, and that the Chinese did not needopium, domestic or foreign."[ii] In attempting to reason with the BritishCommissioner Lin Tse-hsü, relying on his traditional Confucian training,reasoned in a letter to Queen Victoria that the horrors of the opium tradewere evident to the British and "naturally you would not wish to give untoothers what you yourself do not want."[iii] But, as Lin discovered, thereasoning of this unusual enemy--who wanted China's resources, ports,markets, and, in some cases, souls, but did not actually want China itself--was unlike that of any outside force with which the Chinese had previouslydealt. Kung was also influential internally as an administrator becausehe relied on the advice of provincial officials and others rather thanoperating arbitrarily. For opponents held that thestudents were, essentially, being lost to China by contaminatedintellectual and moral contact with the West, despite the fact that, asTseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang promised in their memorial to the TsungliYamen, the students would also be taught "Chinese literature .
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