LAURIER, SIR WILFRED.   Term Paper ID:22963 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Life, career, rise & fall of 19th Cent.-20th Cent. Canadian Liberal politician known for mediating skills.... More...

10 Pages / 2250 Words 15 sources, 34 Citations, MLA Format $40.00 Return to List of Papers

Paper Abstract: Life, career, rise & fall of 19th Cent.-20th Cent. Canadian Liberal politician known for mediating skills. Paper Introduction: Canada: The Election of 1911 Sir Wilfred Laurier (1841-1919) served as the successor to Canada's first Prime Minister, Sir John A. McDonald (Watkins 312). Historians of Canada's multi-ethnic population have observed that a Catholic Prime Minister following in succession to a Protestant Prime Minister illustrates Canadians' high flexibility in tolerating difference (Matthews 71). Addition-ally, Laurier was the first Quebecois to serve as Prime Minister holding this office from 1896 to 1911. During the 15 years which he held office the province of Quebec experienced phenomenal growth. In 1871 Quebec had been 77% rural. Within 40 years, by the end of Laurier's administration, Quebec had become 50% urban (Mandel 274). Scrutiny of Laurier's defeat in the election of Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. In attempting to preside over theLiberal party from 1887 to 1919, Laurier was extremely conscious of theneed to appease all of these factions. . This will be followed by a brief charting of the political historyof Canada post its confederation in 1867. Itwas Laurier's ability to speak effectively before the crowds which will berecalled into the next century. "Bourassa and Monk attacked the Naval Bill becauseit allowed Laurier to turn over the Canadian Navy to the British and soengage in an imperial war" (Levitt 55). In the midst of the political fray, Laurier tried to articulate theanomaly of his status. Anti-clerical, the Rogues were labeled irreligiousby the Catholic Church (McNaught 16 ). Questionssurrounding the relations of church and state, the French and English,Canada and the United States, and the place of Canada within theCommonwealth were significantly influenced by Laurier's politics (Schullpreface). The imperialists were unhappy that Laurier hadnegotiated a bill that allowed him the option of not helping Britain. Theydisliked his willingness to edge too close to England. Bishop Bourget of Montreal activelydenounced them following the cue of Pope Pious IX who led a crusade againstthem. O. Toronto:Metheun, 1987.Martin, Chester. Underhill was less forgiving. Political analysts indicate thatLaurier "lost because of fears created by two of his major decisions"(Careless 174). As anation they felt threatened by the pending crisis of world war which waslooming ahead. His own life mixed them both,and this is what he tried to do with his politics. As a leader of the Nationalists, Bourassahad strong sway with Frederick Monk, the French Canadian MP and leader ofthe Conservative Party. Further,Laurier realized that Canada was going to stand in the twentieth century asa country which stood in the shadow of other more aggressive or morepolitically-active states. Although theFrench dominated Quebec's population, a highly disproportionate amount ofwealth and power was actually in the hands of their Anglo counterparts. Yet while Skelton admired Laurier for not giving way to theCentrists, Frank H. Laurier's early career did not forecast the spectacular rise to powerwhich would follow. Laurier. I am a Canadian. Laurier is said to have idealizedAbraham Lincoln and shared his obsession with national unity by some(Wallace 61). First, a brief overview of Laurier's own political ascendancy will begiven. In particular, a group of Toronto Liberalbusinessman issued a manifesto which openly denounced the agreement.Hemmed in on all sides, Laurier chose to dissolve Parliament and bring theissue before the people (Careless 176). Within 4 years, by the end of Laurier'sadministration, Quebec had become 5 % urban (Mandel 274). What the imperialists did was to remind the nowfear-tainted Canadians that Laurier had failed to live up to his 19 2promise to establish a Canadian navy. As one who tried to avoid extreme positions, Laurier's politicalstance has often been unsympathetically read by history. In shaping his administrative policy Lauriertried to find a niche which would allow Canada to be seen as bothautonomous and co-operative. The election of 1911 followed.Borden successfully beat Laurier convincingly at the poles. Scrutiny ofLaurier's defeat in the election of 1911 offers insight into the politicalheritage and leanings of contemporary Canada. AsCanada's second Prime Minister, Laurier actively tried to align his countrywith the future. Bartlet. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 197 .Bumsted, J. Levitt, Joseph. M. HenriBourassa, a leader of the French-Canadian Nationalists, attacked Laurier'sNaval Service Act of 191 . Wars were going to happen. On the issue of free trade, this has beenan economic and political issue which has clouded exchange between the USand Canada for the entire twentieth century. In writinghis biography, Joseph Schull chose to call him "the first Canadian."Schull's contention is that the problems and issues which Laurier wasforced to deal with are the same thorny issues which plague Canada today.The way in which Laurier and his opponents responded to these criticalissues shaped how Canada was to deal with them for decades. The two major issues which led to his defeatin 1911, his naval policy and his attempts to negotiate a free tradeagreement, demonstrated both lucidity and progressive thinking. As the German offensive increased, the Britishpublic grew fearful that the Germans were plotting to "overtake them inbuilding the dreadnoughts, armoured battleships and the largest vesselsthan extant" (Levitt 53). Born near the foothills of theLaurentians, Laurier arrived as the first son of Carolus Laurier. Although Laurier attempted to follow the middle path, the extremistenvironment of Quebec assailed him. The second major issue, the dissension aroused by Laurier's proposalof reciprocal trade between Canada and the US was no less disastrous forhis administration. In an attempt to avoid the political fray of the early 2 th century,Laurier declared in a parliament speech: There is a school in England and in Canada, a school which is perhaps best represented on the floor of the Parliament, a school which wants to bring Canada into the vortex of militarism which is the curse, blight of Europe. Here Skelton attemptsto recontextualize Laurier's attitude toward conscription more favorably(Berger 49). Alarge degree of Laurier's success was due to the fact that he could serveas a bridge between Quebec's two distinctive and frequently divisivecultures. Yet more skeptical political historians indicate that he wasturned out of office for not having "a nation building policy" (Berger197). Toronto: HarperCollins, 1987.McInnis, Edgar. The Penguin History of Canada. As a leader ofthe French-speaking Canadians, Bourassa was vehemently opposed to anymovement asking for "political or fiscal federation between Great Britainand the colonies" (Levitt 55). Schull comments in his biography that Laurier was elected to givethe commencement address because he was acknowledged to be the class' bestspeaker. Historians remind later-day readers that this fear ofannexation was "given some truth by the numerous annexationist statementsmade by men of some prominence in American public life and by certainAmerican newspapers" (Careless 176). Yet two students ranked numerically ahead of him (Schull 8). During the 15 years which he heldoffice the province of Quebec experienced phenomenal growth. Lin, Quebec in the county ofL'Assomption in 1841 (Wallace 395). Foundations of Canadian Nationhood. Bourassa attacked Laurier as "un vendu", as onewho had sold out to the imperialists and betrayed his fellow Canadians. It looked toward Canada for assistance (Levitt 53). The Writing of Canadian History. "For the first time, the Canadian naval program came underclose scrutiny" (Levitt 53). Craig Brown, eds. Canada: A Political and Social History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986.Brebner, J. I am neither. Inattempting to forge a free trade agreement with the United States, Laurierexperienced a major backlash from both Conservative and Liberal parties.Critics of the proposed trade agreement numbered among their fears, thepossible annexation of Canada. M. In order to understand the political causesand repercussions of these issues more historical background must first beoffered. A Post-Confederate History.Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1992.Careless, J. In contrast to the British Liberals,Laurier did not seek to expand the functions of the state (Underhill inBerger 7 ). Laurier realized that Canada did not possess theeconomic clout of either Great Britain or the United States. New York: Penguin Books, 1988.Metcalfe, William, ed. Trained as a barrister, Laurier practiced as anunremarkable lawyer in Montreal before becoming involved in politics.Laurier was a moderate member of the "parti rouge" or the Rogues sometimesanglicized as the Reds. The Oxford Book of Canadian Political Anecdotes.Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1988.McNaught, Kenneth William. . Canada must prepare itself tostake out its military obligations in a manner which worked for her and notnecessarily for her neighbors. Forthe Imperialists, this was an outrage since their ideal could be expressedas "one flag, one fleet, one throne" (Levitt 54). The First Canadian. Ironically,it was the French who seemed so vehemently to protest against him. Rising through the political ranks slowly at first, Laurier waselected to the House of Commons as Liberal MP for Arthabaska in 1894.During this time, he publicly denounced the extreme position of theUltramontanes. Canada: The Election of 1911 Sir Wilfred Laurier (1841-1919) served as the successor to Canada'sfirst Prime Minister, Sir John A. Within a short time, Laurier would reject thisstance as naive. Skelton dedicated himself to writing both an officialbiography of Laurier and collecting his Life and Letters into two volumes.In his 1921 biography Skelton adopts a fiercely defensive stance inrebuilding praise for the defeated Prime Minister. Works CitedBennett, Paul W. Again Laurier can be seen being groomed fortaking on the moderate position. In the midst of thebrutal attack on his naval policy, Laurier spoke out: I am branded in Quebec as a traitor to the French, and in Ontario as a traitor to the English. In seeking a moderatepath, a political strategy which had helped both to elect Laurier and tokeep him in power for 14 years, Laurier was eventually ousted. Laurier's contention as a Quebecois politician was that the survival ofFrench Canada was best ensured by maintaining its individuality withinfederal Canada (Watkins 2 7). Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1955.Matthews, Robin. AlthoughCatholic himself, Laurier denounced the extremity of his fellow Quebecois'political stance (Wallace 59). It was not attackedon purely economic grounds. This occasion stirred up deep nationalist sentiment in Canada. The parliamentary solution offered in March 19 9 had Canada offeringnaval aid to England. Laurier countered that it was animpossibility that Britain would look to Canada for foreign policy guidanceor input. New York: St. Laurier stands as a pivotal figure in Canadian history. The Peoples of Canada. Underhill's assessment is that Laurier remainedas a "mere constitutional liberal to the end" (Underhill in Berger 7 ).According to Underhill's analysis, Laurier lacked both a real understandingof or interest in social issues. Laurier was acutely aware that the Liberals was a somewhatraggedy union of disparate political factions. In November 19 9Borden seized upon the situation telling Willison that he believed thatthe Admiralty should be given generous emergency assistance and that aCanadian navy should be founded to serve as an integral part of theImperial fleet (Levitt 53). A Century of Images of Canadian Destiny. Understanding Canada. Imperialists claimed that such apolicy would lead to severing ties with Great Britain, their mothercountry. Laurier's naval policy and his interest in establishingreciprocal trade with the United States. It is a policy which is stillin need of further calibration. Since Canada had in 191 been aconfederate for less than 5 years, it was relatively easy to stir updistrust for the union. Canada: A Modern History. Martin's Press, 1967. Martin's Press, 1963.----------------------- 6 . For if the French weredisturbed by his pro-British stance (or what they perceived it to be), agrowing number of English-speaking Canadians were no less enthused by hiswillingness to negotiate too closely with the US. Political analysts and historiansconcur that the agitation and animosity raised by the Naval Billcontributed to Borden beating Laurier in the 1911 election. . Rather it was denounced because it would "putCanada too much in the orbit of the United States" (Careless 176). I am not prepared to endorse any such policy (Laurier in Watkins 312).Laurier was a statesman who, upon the right issues, could hold firm when heso desired. Yet the irony doubles. When the proposal was brought to Parliament a filibusterensued. D. This act aroused enormous protest in Quebec.Opposition to this act and to Laurier was led by Bourassa. Aspects of English-Canadian History Writing Since 19 . Borden contended that ifCanada was willing to participated in a "defensive alliance" where itsupported all of Britain's militaristic activities than they could alsoinfluence its foreign policy. Wilfred Laurier was born in St. According to Underhill,Laurier "had been a Whig who never had any sensitivity to the developmentof collectivist ideas that elsewhere replaced the notions of laissez-faire"(Underhill in Berger 7 ). A Passion for Identity. Martin's Press, 1965.Wallace, W. New York: New YorkUniversity Press, 1982.Schull, Joseph. In 19 8 with German militaryaggression increasing, England decided it needed to double its navalcapacities. This allowed Robert Borden, a leader of theConservative party, to attack Laurier and the Liberals. This awareness of the importance of keeping thecountry united, the dangers underlying its potential division, would guidehis own political career. New York: St. . As an eighth generation French-Canadian borninto a Quebecois farming community, Laurier was immersed within the customsand needs of Canada's often marginalized French community. McDonald (Watkins 312). Or, itsambivalence has been underscored. Instead, his political outlook advanced to a state wherehe "advocated the liberal parliamentary British tradition" (McNaught 162).Laurier began to shape himself as a candidate of compromise as hesuccessfully did with Manitoba's premier Greenway in resolving thisprovince's educational issues (McNaught 187). Underhill's critical assessment helps to frame both the causesand reasons for Laurier's defeat in 1911. It would appear that one of the major reasons that Laurier lost hispower base is that his own region, Quebec, turned against him. Laurier's gifts as a speaker, his use ofimagery in his rhetorical addresses underscore that he was a charismaticleader. Stewart. InLaurier Joseph Schull observes "he had been born in the year that the twoprovinces of Canada were reunited, following rebellion, sealing a secondconquest" (Schull 9). Historians ofCanada's multi-ethnic population have observed that a Catholic PrimeMinister following in succession to a Protestant Prime Minister illustratesCanadians' high flexibility in tolerating difference (Matthews 71).Addition-ally, Laurier was the first Quebecois to serve as Prime Ministerholding this office from 1896 to 1911. and R. During this period Laurier was a member of Institut Canadien, arationalist literary society characterized by its "semi-republicanistleanings" (McNaught 162). The Canadians 1867- 1967. To understand the monumental significance ascribed to Laurier'sdefeat in the election of 1911 attention must be given to what preceded it. Laurier's interest inestablishing Canada's own navy as an ancillary to Great Britain causedrancor from both English-speaking and French-speaking Canadians. Its members were formed in reaction to thecorruption of the Conservative party which actively favored English-speaking big business. As a member of the Liberal party, Laurierattacked the "jingoism of the turn-of-the-century contemporaries" (Watkins312). The legacy of Laurier is this political model of mediation betweendisparate groups. Yet when Laurier introduced his Naval Bill in191 , it caused dissension. S. Emerging Identities.Selected Problems and Interpretations in Canadian History.Scarsborough, Ontario: Prentice-Hall Canada, 1986.Berger, Carl. Worse, Canada would be more likely to be annexed by theirsouthern neighbor. Herpolitical independence was perceived to be threatened by this proposedreciprocal trade agreement with the US. They were an extreme right-wing branch of the QuebecLiberals who argued for the supremacy of the Catholic Church. In 1871Quebec had been 77% rural. Any policy whichseemed friendly to imperialist concerns seemed hostile to French-speakingCanadians' independence. Jaenen. I have had before me a pillar of cloud by day a policy of true Canadianism, of moderation, of conciliation (Laurier in McNaught 211). The Macmillan Dictionary of Canadian Biography.New York: St. In Quebec I am branded as a Jingo, and in Ontario as a Separatist . As Laurier attempted to formulate a free trade policywith the US which would allow for an untaxed exchange of natural productsas well as a list of semi-finished and fully manufactured articles(Careless 175). Ottawa: Deneau Press, 1982.Mandel, Eli and David Taras. Born into a fiercely French community, Laurier hadrisen through the ranks of a region which privileged the English.Receiving his law degree from McGill University, an Anglo institution,Laurier learned early to see the deep and growing entrenchment between theFrench-speaking and English-speaking worlds. The extremegroups within Canadian politics would not be drawn toward his middle roadapproach. The Liberals were comprisedof the anticlerical Rogues, the Reformers from Ontario and generally allthose who originally had been opposed to confederation or wary ofMcDonald's integrity (Watkins 328). and Cornelius J. What is fascinating is that this proposed free act caused Canadiansto feel that their very nation was being threatened. A Vision Beyond Reach. Laurier could see that the Liberal Party itself was threatenedover this volatile issue. New York:Rinehart & Co., 1959.McLeod, Jack, ed. Canadian Identity. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.